“Looks Can Be Deceiving”:
Review Essay of the Third-Person Effect and Body Image
Elle Morgen
COMS 640
Dr. C.
Northern Illinois University
Introduction
Mediated messages are pervasive. Mediated messages depicting patriarchal representations of women are even worse. If you did not own a television, merely driving to the nearest mall you’re sure to encounter a billboard on the side of the road, even if it’s on a bench. Suppose that you do go to the mall, and approaching the mall directory there is a banner advertising one of the specialty stores. In this advertisement there is a group of attractive, fit, 20-somethings reclining against a Jeep parked on a beach. One couple is sitting on the hood kissing, a few are sitting in the car listening to music and laughing, while two others are running along the shoreline in the distance. Naturally, you are aware that advertisers try to promote the idea that if you buy their product it could be you out there, being active and having fun. But you know better.
According to Davison’s (1983) third-person effect theory, he argues that people tend to believe that mass mediated messages (persuasive or non-persuasive) have a greater effect or influence on others than on themselves. Davidson suggests there are two elements that comprise this effect: the perceptual and the behavioral (Davison, 1983, p. 9; Huh, Delorme, & Reid, 2004, cited in Leone & Bissell, p. 9). The perceptual implies that a mediated message has greater effect on others – the third person – than on the self or “you.” The behavioral implies that others could be persuaded to act a certain way “based on perceived effects” (Huh et al, 2004, p. 569; Leone & Bissell, p. 9).
In third-person effect studies, previous research has focused on negative messages like violence and the presence of pornography on the internet, to censorship of mass media (Davidson, 1983; Perloff, 1993; Conners, 2005). Not much attention has been directed towards positive messages. This is because an underlying assumption of the third-person effect is that the message presented by the media is negative in nature, thus, naturally, an individual would not desire to “own up to it,” in a sense (Perloff, 1993). If the message were positive, in which the individual could respond saying something akin to, “oh yes, that’s definitely me,” this would be an account of the first-person, just as in narratives the first-person perspective uses the voice of “I” and “me.” So while there cannot be empirical research of positive messages in regards to the third-person effect, or third-person perception, there is however, some research that looks at neutral topics, like body image. That is, neutral in the sense that it is not violent in nature nor is it exactly “positive” (e.g. “our bodies are great!”). But body image is, however, a very impassioned subject.
The five articles I examine focus on the connection between the third-person effect and body image as presented by the media. The tone of the relationship between the third-person effect and perceived body image is negative in nature considering that the third-person is present in these studies, conversely if it were positive in tone, presence of the first-person would be recorded. Yet these seemingly unattainable “ideal body” representations are continually occurring. It is important to note that all articles deal with a female audience, as females are generally more affected than males (David & Johnson, 1998, p. 39). Some of the literature does, however, relate what the women believe men perceive about the mediated messages.
Overall, I identified emergent themes in the literature that indicated the problem is two-pronged. On one tine there is the perceptual, where body image is constructed by these mass-mediated images. On the second tine exists the actual, in which the real body image attempts to parallel itself with the perceptual. It’s almost like a vicious circle of cause and effect. An individual consumes these ideal body images and attempts to conform (via fad diets, gym memberships, etc.) but ultimately fails. Reality retains all the water against the airbrushed dream. This essay reviews previous literature about the third-person effect in regards to body image to further identify why these “ideals” permeate our society, if they happen in other countries/cultures, and how these messages reinforce dominant patriarchal gender roles.
The Make-Over
The underlying premise of makeover shows is to take an “ugly duckling” or an “average girl” and turn her into a “swan” or “beauty queen” utilizing plastic surgery, cosmetics, and new wardrobe (Leone & Bissell, 2006, p. 24). Examples of these include: “The Swan,” “What Not to Wear,” and “Ambush Makeover.”
In, “Are You For Real?: Gender Differences in Third-Person Perceptions about Body Image and Exposure to Reality Makeover Television Shows,” ( Leone & Bissell, 2006) the authors examine third-person perception of college-aged people as it relates to body image distortion in women and men and five target “other” groups including those older and younger than the sample. Their primary goal was to examine the third-person perception and its relation to body image distortion among college students. Their second goal was to seek further into the students’ beliefs about plastic surgery and a solution for “fixing” their body image (p. 3). Participants were shown an image of a thin swimsuit model or a muscular swimsuit model depending on the participant’s sex, and were asked “to project how repeated exposure to images like the one viewed would affect themselves and others” (p. 11). They also controlled and recorded the amount of exposure to such makeover shows as “Extreme Makeover” and “The Swan.” The participants predicted that others would be more likely to be affected by exposure to this ideal body type portrayal than him or her individually (p. 16).
Leone & Bissell (2006) reported that eighty percent of women in America are dissatisfied with their appearance. Additionally, not only women are experiencing this, for it is also conveyed that nearly “three million males in the United States use anabolic steroids to increase their muscle mass” (p. 3). The authors claim that the “exposure to thinness depicting and promoting (TDP) media is related to greater body dissatisfaction, lower body self-esteem, and self objectification in school-aged males and females” (p.3). Kipnis (1999) and Butler (1990) both devote several pages in their books proffering that gender is governed by social scripts (p. 80; preface, p. xxxi). Sloop (2004) maintains that those who deviate from the scripts are punished or disciplined. It seems it holds true even here. When the individual cannot attain the ideal body type – falling away from the accepted script – the individual is punished, however it is more self-inflicted through the destructive behavior of depression and food disorders.
The authors argue that even toymakers promote these ideal bodies. Leone & Bissell (2006) quote another scholar who says, “GI Joe’s increasing muscularity over the decades is obviously intentional on the part of the manufacturer to project more masculinity and more power…boys pick up on that and make the connection: If I want to be strong and masculine, I have to be muscular” (Olivardia, 2003, cited in Leone & Bissell, 2006, p. 5). And let’s not ignore the popular girl’s toy, the Barbie Doll. Leone & Bissell (2006) describe that even from a young age people are being bombarded with this notion that only one body type is acceptable.
Throughout the study, the authors note that ideal body types represented in the media are different for men and women, but the repeated exposure or presentation of them is the same (p. 5). This is important to recognize as the amount of exposure plays a vital role in our society’s tight-grasped perception of one of the appropriate definitions of gender.
Leone & Bissell (2006) found a significant third-person effect in all target groups (p. 22). Their findings also suggest that while their participants did believe the media had an impact on others’ beliefs about ideal body images, the degree of the effect “may be predicted on age and perceived exposure to the harmful media” (p. 23). In regards to plastic surgery as a solution to “fix” their bodies, participants felt they would never invest in it, but believe that older people (women) would. Moreover, the men who were highly exposed to the mediated messages deemed it acceptable that women seek plastic surgery to make their bodies better (p. 23). Leone & Bissell state that The American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery reports “the number of girls 18 and younger receiving breast implants tripled from 3,872 to 11,326 between 2002 and 2003” (p7). The team divulged that their “findings suggest that respondents in our sample believe the media do in fact have an effect on all others’ beliefs about ideal body image, but the degree of effect may be predicated on age and perceived exposure to the harmful media” (p. 23).
This study is the first among the five to represent a sort of mismatch between the media’s ideal self and reality’s actual self (Leone & Bissell, 2006, p. 4). The best way to fix it – get a make-over. Right?
The Make-Up
Flawless foundation, dark voluminous lashes, age-defying serum, hair extensions, and a push-up bra from Victoria’s Secret. Purchasing these things will not only make a woman feel beautiful and sexy, but be beautiful and sexy. Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) do not directly examine the third-person effect, but their study has merit. They provide body image research within mainstream media, recency of study, and contribute insights of patriarchal and hegemonic gender roles within our popular culture. Additionally, though no third-person was examined or recorded, it could be argued that it may have been present.
Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007), grounded in cultural and feminist studies, explore make-over shows as Leone & Bissell (2006) did, but focus primarily on “A Makeover Story,” “What Not to Wear,” and “Extreme Makeover,” executing a textual analysis to determine “the ideological impact of patriarchy, particularly as it relates to female body image” (p. 57). Their starting point is based on this “ideology of beauty,” comprised of the items previously listed and how companies make women feel that they are incomplete without these beauty enhancers (Schwichtenberg, 1989, p. 293, cited on p. 57).
Butler (1990) argues “gender [is] a binary relation in which the masculine is differentiated from a feminine term, and this differentiation is accomplished through the practices of heterosexual desire” (Butler, 1990, p. 23). Thus wearing makeup can be viewed as being feminine – performing a women’s proper gender. But what consequences does this have? Sure, wearing make-up can make a women feel pretty, but for what? Generally, for the pleasure of gaining attention of men. This promotes a heteronormative ideal not to mention the patriarchal objectification of women.
Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) utilize quantitative researches methods, in difference to the other scholars mentioned who tend to engage in interviews. They undergo ten hours total of program viewing, identifying emergent themes and patterns imploring Sonja Foss’s (1996) method of analyzing “hegemonic structures in texts” for guidance (Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert, 2007, p. 64).
The team acknowledges men in their study as Leone & Bissell (2006) had, but in a less severe way suggesting that men have not yet reached the same level of risk as women currently do (Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert, 2007, p. 61). Even so, the authors note that there are makeover programs for men such as “Queer Eye for the Straight Guy,” in which groom heterosexual males into attractive partners for their opposite sex counterparts. A program such as this reinforces heteronormative views. Indeed, it brings to mind the idea that a “manly man” cannot look after himself – groom himself, take pride in appearance – for these are feminine characteristics that are “taboo within hegemonic masculinity” (p. 61). The increasing number of men who engage in this behavior has become so problematic that our society/media has deemed it necessary to label these men “metrosexuals” in order to distinguish them from women and homosexual men.
The researchers also take a glance at plastic surgery within their research. Where Leone & Bissell’s (2006) male participants deemed it acceptable for women to seek this solution out as a fix for physical features, it seems men do this as well comprising 15 percent of plastic surgery patients. A small number perhaps, but more significant than I imagined it would have been. Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) identified that the “typical plastic surgery patient is Caucasian (84%), is female (85%), is usually aged 30 to 50 years old (45%), and is a repeat patient, meaning they have already undergone at least one procedure prior to their next surgery (37%)” (American Association of Plastic Surgeons, 2004, cited on p. 70).
“The individual body in American society is pretty much the sole locale for scenarious of transformation: you can aerobicize it, liposuction it, contract it through diet or expand it with collagen injections” Kipnis (1999) argues (p. 103). The authors nod their heads to this as one of the emergent themes uncovered in the shows was that plastic surgery is a “pain-free cure-all” for women’s imperfections (Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert, 2007, p. 69). The authors argue that this message suggests that there is something “abnormal” about the individual woman that can/needs to be changed to “normal” (p. 69). Having been a plastic surgery patient myself I can attest to the inner need of “fixing” an apparent abnormality to a more “normal” and “acceptable” physical feature. The definition of normal is defined by culture, thus media included, setting the bar which seems to be constantly rising. If it were Limbo, there would be no obstacle, but this is not a party game. This is our lives and we only live it once. If we fail, there is no make-up.
On the Make
Similar to Leone & Bissell, Brandes (2009) investigates the third-person effect and women’s attitude to these mediated images, however Brandes (2009) does so cross-culturally, observing this particular intersection of race and gender exposed to media effects. The author focused the study on Israeli women unlike Leone & Bissell’s (2006) U.S. college students and Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert’s (2007) textual analysis. Many American scholars hold a magnifying glass over issues within the United States as it is this patriarchal wall that needs to be torn down, however looking abroad can provide further support by peeking into the stronger patriarchal societies that hold strong today.
Brandes (2009) argues that overall, “the connection between female body images in the media…has been examined in the cross-cultural and ethnic context, as the model of beauty most common in the media throughout the world is white” (p. 6). However the author found evidence that suggests not all women conform to the “ideal white models” due to several factors such as women’s self esteem, being on a diet, and relatability of the model (David & Johnson, 1998; David et al., 2002; as cited in Brandes, 2009, p. 7). It appears minority women do not relate to white models, thus view themselves as unaffected by this influence. However white girls tend to believe others’ do accept these images upon which, as a result, white girls are judged (Milkie, 1999; Brandes, p. 7). Considering this, Brandes (2009) conducted in-depth interviews with 44 Israeli women from a variety of social and economic backgrounds as to provide a diverse sample and utilizes grounded theory methodology to analyze the interviews.
Akin to what Leone & Bissell (2006) found, these interviews help a reoccurring theme: the participants claimed to function under a “critical eye” that they felt “others” may not thus being more susceptible to influence of media’s images. In regards to advertising in commercials, the participants who did confess to purchasing a product in wake of the mediated message justified it by some other external means (Brandes, 2009, p. 11). A vast amount of the participant’s responses, however, were in regards to their children and others’ children being influenced. Brandes (2009) took on a difficult task focusing cross-culturally as the values and norms can vary. To combat this, Brandes (2009) describes key features within women’s life in Israel, and reports “it is hard to ignore the sense that the women’s remarks reflected their viewing of the [mediated message] through the prism of patriarchal motherhood, which would indicate the centrality of their role as mother in their gender identity” (p. 16). Last key point to observe is the participants’ belief of how men view these messages/images. The women believed that men attain a “superficial fascination with physical appearance” and that they are very much influenced by mediated messages and images: “they see something on TV and want their wives to look like that,” says one participant (p. 17). This is interesting as Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) quoted the American Association of Plastic Surgeons (2004) who disclosed that 15 percent of plastic surgery patients are men (Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert, 2007, p. 61).
Kipnis’ (1999) chapter, “Life in the Fat Lane,” points out within the first paragraph that our society’s obsession for fat’s absence makes certain of its “omnipresence” (p. 93.). The participants within Brandes’ (2009) study seem to suggest that while it appears that individuals are not only being judged and critiqued by their society, but also by their loved ones.
Make it or Break it
As Brandes (2009) discovered, Tajima, Ong, & Chia (2006) also found that the women in their experiment believed men to be just as, and in some cases more, susceptible to media’s influence than their female peers (Tajima et al., 2006, p. 27) and “because ideal body images are usually unreal and unattainable, the presumed media influence on peers of the opposite gender is likely to lead young females to experience body dissatisfaction…” (p. 28).
To further support the notion that media’s influence and the existence of the third-person effect survives in other societies than our own, this study looks at a sample of female college students at an American university and a university in Singapore where the dominant race is Chinese. Therefore it can be concluded that the images of the “ideal” body impact women world-wide and keep them confined to the stranglehold of patriarchal gender roles of female objectification.
Not only did this study further confirm the presence of the third-person effect on the whole, and that the media’s influence on body image perceptions are rampant cross-culturally, but differently to Brandes (2009) the authors found that race did play a role but not as much as the participant’s perception of their own reported self-esteem. The participants who perceived them to be just as thin as or thinner than the model (of the same race) felt no media effects. However, some participants felt effects from the model of the other race (Tajima et al., 2006, p. 28). This could have been due to other self evaluations and social comparisons of the participant to the model. Still, looking at Brandes (2009) and Tajima, Ong, & Chia (2006) we are left to wonder if the race of the ideal-body-type models impacts young women’s perception of body image. The key point to take from these two studies, however, is that female college students across countries are most susceptible to ideal body images in the media (Tajima et al., 2006, p. 27).
Make Do
David & Johnson’s (1998) study sought to uncover more knowledge about the “cognitive processes underlying body image media effects” since this is not observed as often as the media’s general impact on shaping women’s body image perceptions (1998, p. 39.) Even though this study is dated, it offers relevant information and a unique look at the third-person effect.
The duo “evaluated the perceived impact of the media on three body image outcomes (perceptions of ideal body weight, impact on self-esteem, and eating disorder likelihood)” (p. 39).
Similarly to Tajima, Ong, & Chia (2006) and Leone & Bissell (2006), David & Johnson (1998) observed college-age women in their sample. In accordance to what Tajima, Ong, & Chia (2006) discuss, it is the college-age females that are most affected by the media’s influence. A possible explanation for this could be that this is the age upon which these women join the adult world and look to society (via the media) for demonstration as how to fit in to this new experience.
David & Johnson do not incorporate college-age men as they attested that “eating disorders are relatively rare among males” and justifying that those men who do engage in this behavior do so to better themselves in sports rather than the media imposition to be thin (Hesse-Biber, Clayton-Matthews, & Downey, 1987 cited on p. 39). Contrastingly, Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) contend that not only women are affected, men “mak[ing] up more than 1 million anorexics” (Bordo, 1999 cited on p. 61) but agree that men haven’t reached the same level of criticism women have.
As in the previous studies, the authors found significant third-person effect, the interesting result being “the widening of the third-person gap with outcome undesirability…as the social undesirability of the outcome increased, there was a sharp decline in perceived effect on self, but only a modest decline in perceived effect on classmates” (p. 52).
Making a Conclusion
Several scholars have noted that female college-age students are the most vulnerable to media’s messages (Hesse-Biber, 19889 and Pyle et al., 1986 cited in David & Johnson, 1998, p. 39) and those across countries are just as susceptible to ideal body images in the media as in the U.S. (Tajima et al., 2006, p. 27).
Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) discuss the “troubled relationship between media and body image” (p. 61) and though they do not address the third-person effect directly, it can be noted indirectly with the quantitative figures they present of women and men seeking plastic surgery to “better” themselves. One such argument Gallagher & Pecot-Hebert (2007) identify is that plastic surgery is a way in which individuals seek to increase their self-esteem (p. 70). However they also present and support the argument that “plastic surgery, in a very literal sense, views the body as an object to be molded…the female body is constantly objectified” (p. 70).
Reading these five studies together presents a view of the third-person effect and body image as a tangled, complex, and unavoidable relationship. Mediated messages are pervasive and yet no matter how many trips are made to the mall where that advertisement banner looms over the mall directory, it has no influence because you know more than “they” give you credit for. Davison (1983) asserts that
We are all experts on those subjects that matter to us, in that we have information not available to other people. This information may not be of a factual or technical nature; it may have to do with our own experiences, likes, and dislikes. Other people, we reason, do not know what we know. Therefore, they are more likely to be influenced by the media (emphasis added, p. 9).
As critical feminists, as scholars, as women of this world, we ought the reflect on what it is we know about our bodies. We have similar genetic makeup, yet everybody is different. Therefore why do the media imply we strive to conform? To change what we’re naturally given into something more “acceptable?” Butler (1990) alleges that “there is very little agreement…on what it is that constitutes, or ought to constitute, the category of women” (p. 1). Well what about the category of the human race? We need this current wave of feminists to become educated, apply for media positions, and stop the female representation of airbrushed fantasies and promote something much more important such as how to survive in this world on our own two feet standing on the ground we were given.
The third-person effect is like our shadow. It’s always there, though not always visible unless one turns against the light to look directly at our shaded self. We’ve seen it before, we know it’s there when light is present, thus no need to check on it. However it must not be ignored for we may not notice potential distortions while we’re listening to music, shopping at the mall, or watching T.V. Though it looms in the darkness it does not mean we cannot find ways to render it. We must stand up and take control – mold our shadows. All we have to do is increase our awareness to the amount of light we’re exposed to.
References
Barak Brandes, S. (2009, January). The Third-Person Effect in Israeli Women's Attitude to TV Commercials and Their Images. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association. Retrieved from http://www.ulib.niu.edu:4426/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=1&hid=107&sid=dd81ba6c-6257-4feb-bd7e-f91e78f026a1%40sessionmgr110
Chia, S. C. (2007). Third-person perceptions about idealized body image and weight-loss behavior. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 84(4), 677-694. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=31706763&site=ehost-live
Conners, J. L. (2005). Understanding the third-person effect. Center for the Study of Communication and Culture, 24(2).
David, P., & Johnson, M. A. (1998). The role of self in third-person effects about body image. Journal of Communication, 48(4), 37-56. Retrieved from http://www4.ncsu.edu/~mjohnson/pdfs/roleo fself.pdf
Davidson, P. W. (1983). The third-person effect in communication. Public Opinion Quarterly, 47(1), 1-15.
Leone, R., & Bissell, K. (2006, January). Gender Differences in Third-Person Perceptions About Body Image and Exposure to Reality Makeover Television Shows. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association. Retrieved from http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=27204175&site=ehost-live
Tajima, A., Ong, M., & Chia, S. (2006, January). A Cross-National Examination of Third-Person Perception About Ideal Body Image. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association. Retrieved from http://search.ebsco host.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=27203798&site=ehost-live
